Egypt has been simmering with slow-paced social unrest for years. Strikes by different sectors of society have been increasing. The success of the Tunisian January 14, 2011 Revolution, marked by the departure of dictator Ben Ali, has given a large segment of the restless population in Egypt a hope that they too could bring down their dictator. This is why the most popular revolutionary slogan has been Irhal (Leave).
Some observers are concerned that the Muslim Brotherhood Movement might be the main instigator or beneficiary of the revolt. The Muslim Brothers do not hide their role, but their leadership hesitated to jump in until the third day of the revolution, when it became apparent that the uprising is gaining momentum. If there is an engine to the Egyptian revolt it is the young bloggers and groups. These people are highly educated, jobless and thus have a very strong motivation to rise up. They have been speaking openly in anticipation for January 25th. Check out the 6 April Movement blogpost: http://6aprilmove.blogspot.com/. They had hoped that April 6, 2009 would start the revolt, but the Egyptian masses were not ready. The Tunisian spark ignited the Egyptian revolution.
The youth movement was joined by other groups to call for January 25th demonstration, coinciding with the National Police Day in Egypt. Ironically, it was the police that was tasked with the failed operation of suppressing the revolt. Among the organizers were the Kifaya (Enough) Movement, founded by lay Christian George Ishaq. The populist nature of his non-violent resistence attracted many Egyptians, both Coptic and Muslim. Another group, the National Association for Change,is led by the world-renouned Muhammad al-Baradei. Moreover, young Muslim Brothers and members of secular opposition also joined from day one. These young activists experienced the dictatorial rule of the Mubarak regime since their teenage years. At schools, election of student unions are controlled by the regime. Administraters at universities are forced to exclude students who are suspected of regime opposition connections from running in student elections.
The January 25 turnout exceeded the expectations of the organizers. In many places they did not have local leaders to organize the activities. That day marked the emergence of many newborn leaders who took to the street expecting someone else will lead them--only to find out that they have natural leadership skills. It is this self-confidence that motivated the people who turned out in the first day to carry on, allowing the revolt to pick momentum. January 28th was a Friday, the weekly day of prayer when Muslims congregate at noon. That was the day when the Muslim Brotherhood threw its full weight behind the Revolution. Reporters suggest that the impressive numbers of demonstrators increased tenfold.
That's when the Mubarak regime fell apart. Mubarak realized that scapegoating the Muslim Brotherhood to teach other Egyptians the lesson of submission can no longer work. Fortunately, Mubarak did not have Plan B. He now has been left to face off the revolting masses, which left 300 people dead and ten times more injured. When that only brough more people to the streets, Mubarak copied Ben Ali's attempt to saw anarchy and security throughout the country. He pulled out the police from neighborhoods where officers were providing security against thieves and other criminal. That left peopl to fend for themselves. And like the Tunisians, Egyptians protected their lives and property. Again, young people have been on the front lines of providing volunteer security for their neighborhoods.
On February 4, a self-styled group called the Wise People Committee announced a proposal for a transitional period to begin after Mubarak steps down. Vice Presient Omar Soleiman has already met with them. But the highly educated youth, who still carry the heaviest burden of organizing the revolt, did not like the fact that no one has consulted with them. They began selecting their own leaders to make sure that they speak for themselves, hence the birth of the Coalition for the Egyptian Revolution's Youth. Some of their spokespersons have already make their debut on international television insisting that the only plitical legitimacy that exists in Egypt today is that of the revolution. They distanced themselves from the groups that have been meeting with the Mubarak regime and presented demands of change that assure the removal of obstacles to the right of young people to run for parliamentary elections.
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