People power may have come to the Arabs. Two anti-dictatorship revolutions are in the making. It took only two weeks for the second to start and other Arab masses are watching restlessly, while Arab leaders are totally confused, shaky and do not appear to comprehend what is happening. The most enlightened among them is one of the youngest: King Abdullah of Jordan. He has already dismissed his government and criticized the sham election it ran last year. We are at a turning point in Arab and Muslim world history (Arabs are only 20 percent of Muslims, but they are the largest ethnic group). What should the U.S. do?
Do not miss more chances to connect with the Arab masses. They are dying to be free; embrace them to build political capital with them. Stay away from actions and statements that could inflame anti-Americanism and possibly prejudice U.S. options with the new players of the evolving Arab polity. America needs a leader who understands that this moment requires a forward-looking president who understands the tremendous transformation in Arab political culture that has already occurred. The U.S. should show good will by siding with the people against the regime. America is edging in this direction grudgingly. Do not miss more chances to connect emotionally with the Arabs.
Don’t give much time to the Mubarak regime. Egyptians are screaming loudly they want the whole regime gone, not just Mubarak and his ministers. Mubarak’s attempt to bring political figures with clean hands is too little too late. The U.S. president owes it to the people of America to look out for their interest. It is time to recognize that the U.S. alliance with Mubarak has failed. All indications show that the revolt is gaining momentum. To cling to old notions of stability while reality is evidently changing is irresponsible.
Open dialogue with the opposition. The presence of the opposition is evident in Arab civil society, which is comprised of NGOs, professional syndicates and worker unions in addition to many political groups that have had dialogue amongst themselves on political reform since the mid-1990s. This explains the quick move of Egyptians and Tunisians to form self-defense committees to provide security when the police in their respective countries abandoned their responsibility. In Egypt, the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood looms large on American thinking. America has to learn how to cope with the growing Islamist influence. A serious dialogue with the Muslim Brothers should aim to move them in one of two directions: (1) become a Muslim democratic party willing to share power, or (2) follow the model of the Turkish Gulen Movement, stressing a mission of service and fostering social harmony while allowing members to form or join political parties on their own (I prefer this option).
Do not exaggerate Islamist influence. Most Egyptians and Tunisians took to the streets to put an end to poverty, corruption and oppression. Today, Islamist Rachid al-Ghannouchi, exiled leader of the Nahda Movement, returned back to Tunisia; there were 1000 people waiting to welcome him—hardly comparable to the 1979 return of Khomeini to Iran. Al-Nahda will have its rightful place in shaping the transformation of Tunisia from dictatorship to democracy. Islamists can come to power in the new Arab democracies, but the emerging anti-dictatorial culture in the Arab world will check their authoritarian tendencies. In Egypt, the Muslim Brothers built their social base through a track record of attending to the needs of people. Their members have grown in a political culture dominated by the language of rights--despite living conditions of oppression. Should Islamists come to power they will face one of two possibilities: (1) become the religious version of the regimes they replaced and face a popular revolt, or (2) embrace a political discourse focusing on morality in the pursuit of peoples’ needs.
Investigate the internal politics of Islamist groups. Internal Islamist politics has never been subjected to public scrutiny because it has never been seen as high-stakes happenings. This has changed. From now on, what goes on in their private meetings will influence state-level dynamics. The U.S. can make better foreign policy decisions toward them by knowing them closely. This is particularly important given the fact that Arab Islamists do not have central figures whose words are final.
Engage American Muslims with foreign attachments. They can be a bridge to popular groups in the region. The current stigma placed on them should be eased if they agree to play a constructive role in the next phase of Arab-American relations. Most importantly, reaching out to them may assure their commitment to domestic peace should unrest in the Middle East extends over a period of time.
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